Although urbanisation is a global trend often associated with increased incomes and higher consumption, the growing concentration of people and activities is an opportunity to increase resource efficiency and decarbonise at scale (very high confidence). The same urbanisation level can have large variations in per capita urban carbon emissions. For most regions, per capita urban emissions are lower than per capita national emissions. {8.1.4, 8.3.3, 8.4, Box 8.1}

Most future urban population growth will occur in developing countries, where per capita emissions are currently low but expected to increase with the construction and use of new infrastructure and the built environment, and changes in incomes and lifestyles (very high confidence). The drivers of urban greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions are complex and include an interplay of population size, income, state of urbanisation, and how cities are laid out (i.e. urban form). How new cities and towns are designed, constructed, managed, and powered will lock-in behaviour, lifestyles, and future urban GHG emissions. Low-emission urbanisation can improve well-being while minimising impact on GHG emissions, but there is risk that urbanisation can lead to increased global GHG emissions through increased emissions outside the city’s boundaries. {8.1.4, 8.3, Box 8.1, 8.4, 8.6}

The urban share of global GHG emissions (including carbon dioxide (CO2) and methane (CH4)) is substantive and continues to increase (high confidence). In 2015, urban emissions were estimated to be 25 GtCO2-eq (about 62% of the global share) and in 2020, 29 GtCO2-eq (67–72% of the global share). 1 About 100 of the highest emitting urban areas account for approximately 18% of the global carbon footprint. {8.1.6, 8.3.3}

The urban share of regional GHG emissions increased between 2000 and 2015, with much inter-region variation in the magnitude of the increase (high confidence). Globally, the urban share of national emissions increased 6 percentage points, from 56% in 2000 to 62% in 2015. For 2000 to 2015, the urban emissions share across AR6 WGIII regions increased from 28% to 38% in Africa, from 46% to 54% in Asia and Pacific, from 62% to 72% in Developed Countries, from 57% to 62% in Eastern Europe and West-Central Asia, from 55% to 66% in Latin America and Caribbean, and from 68% to 69% in the Middle East. {8.1.6, 8.3.3}

Per capita urban GHG emissions increased between 2000 and 2015, with cities in the Developed Countries region producing nearly seven times more per capita than the lowest emitting region (medium confidence). From 2000 to 2015, global urban GHG emissions per capita increased from 5.5 to 6.2 tCO2-eq per person (an increase of 11.8%); Africa increased from 1.3 to 1.5 tCO2-eq per person (22.6%); Asia and Pacific increased from 3.0 to 5.1 tCO2-eq per person (71.7%); Eastern Europe and West-Central Asia increased from 6.9 to 9.8 tCO2-eq per person (40.9%); Latin America and Caribbean increased from 2.7 to 3.7 tCO2-eq per person (40.4%); and Middle East increased from 7.4 to 9.6 tCO2-eq per person (30.1%). Albeit starting from the highest level, Developed Countries had a decline of 11.4 to 10.7 tCO2-eq per person (–6.5%). {8.3.3}

The global share of future urban GHG emissions is expected to increase through 2050, with moderate to low mitigation efforts, due to growth trends in population, urban land expansion, and infrastructure and service demands, but the extent of the increase depends on the scenario and the scale and timing of urban mitigation action (medium confidence). In modelled scenarios, global consumption-based urban CO2 and CH4 emissions are projected to rise from 29 GtCO2-eq in 2020 to 34 GtCO2-eq in 2050 with moderate mitigation efforts (intermediate GHG emissions, SSP2–4.5), and up to 40 GtCO2-eq in 2050 with low mitigation efforts (high GHG emissions, SSP3–7.0). With aggressive and immediate mitigation policies to limit global warming to 1.5°C (>50%) with no or limited overshoot by the end of the century (very low emissions, SSP1–1.9), including high levels of electrification, energy and material efficiency, renewable energy preferences, and socio-behavioural responses, urban GHG emissions could approach net-zero and reach a maximum of 3 GtCO2-eq in 2050. Under a scenario with aggressive but not immediate urban mitigation policies to limit global warming to 2°C (>67%) (low emissions, SSP1–2.6), urban emissions could reach 17 GtCO2-eq in 2050. 2 (Figure TS.13) {8.3.4}

Urban land areas could triple between 2015 and 2050, with significant implications for future carbon lock-in. There is a large range in the forecasts of urban land expansion across scenarios and models, which highlights an opportunity to shape future urban development towards low- or net-zero GHG emissions and minimise the loss of carbon stocks and sequestration in the agriculture, forestry and other land use (AFOLU) sector due to urban land conversion (medium confidence). By 2050, urban areas could increase up to 211% over the 2015 global urban extent, with the median projected increase ranging from 43% to 106%. While the largest absolute amount of new urban land is forecasted to occur in Asia and Pacific, and in Developed Countries, the highest rate of urban land growth is projected to occur in Africa, Eastern Europe and West-Central Asia, and in the Middle East. The infrastructure that will be constructed concomitant with urban land expansion will lock-in patterns of energy consumption that will persist for decades if not generations. Furthermore, given past trends, the expansion of urban areas is likely to take place on agricultural lands and forests, with implications for the loss of carbon stocks and sequestration. {8.3.1, 8.3.4, 8.4.1, 8.6}

The construction of new, and upgrading of, existing urban infrastructure through 2030 will result in significant emissions (very high confidence) . The construction of new and upgrading of existing urban infrastructure using conventional practices and technologies can result in significant committed CO2 emissions, ranging from 8.5 GtCO2 to 14 GtCO2 annually up to 2030 and more than double annual resource requirements for raw materials to about 90 billion tonnes per year by 2050, up from 40 billion tonnes in 2010 (medium evidence, high agreement ). {8.4.1, 8.6}

Given the dual challenges of rising urban GHG emissions and future projections of more frequent extreme climate events, there is an urgent need to integrate urban mitigation and adaptation strategies for cities to address climate change and withstand its effects (very high confidence) . Mitigation strategies can enhance resilience against climate change impacts while contributing to social equity, public health, and human well-being. Urban mitigation actions that facilitate economic decoupling can have positive impacts on employment and local economic competitiveness. {8.2, Cross-Working Group Box 2, 8.4}

Cities can only achieve net-zero GHG emissions through deep decarbonisation and systemic transformation (very high confidence) . Three broad mitigation strategies have been found to be effective in reducing emissions when implemented concurrently: (i) reducing or changing urban energy and material use towards more sustainable production and consumption across all sectors, including through compact and efficient urban forms and supporting infrastructure; (ii) electrification and switching to net-zero-emissions resources; and (iii) enhancing carbon uptake and storage in the urban environment ( high evidence, high agreement ). Given the regional and global reach of urban supply chains, cities can achieve net-zero emissions only if emissions are reduced within and outside of their administrative boundaries. {8.1.6, 8.3.4, 8.4, 8.6}

Packages of mitigation policies that implement multiple urban-scale interventions can have cascading effects across sectors, reduce GHG emissions outside of a city’s administrative boundaries, and reduce more emissions than the net sum of individual interventions, particularly if multiple scales of governance are included (high confidence) . Cities have the ability to implement policy packages across sectors using an urban systems approach, especially those that affect key infrastructure based on spatial planning, electrification of the urban energy system, and urban green and blue infrastructure. The institutional capacity of cities to develop, coordinate, and integrate sectoral mitigation strategies within their jurisdiction varies by context, particularly those related to governance, the regulatory system, and budgetary control. {8.4, 8.5, 8.6}

Integrated spatial planning to achieve compact and resource-efficient urban growth through co-location of higher residential and job densities, mixed land use, and transit-oriented development (TOD) could reduce GHG emissions between 23% and 26% by 2050 compared to the business-as-usual scenario (robust evidence, high agreement , very high confidence) . Compact cities with shortened distances between housing and jobs, and interventions that support a modal shift away from private motor vehicles towards walking, cycling, and low-emissions shared and public transportation, passive energy comfort in buildings, and urban green infrastructure can deliver significant public health benefits and have lower GHG emissions. {8.2, 8.3.4, 8.4, 8.6}

Urban green and blue infrastructure can mitigate climate change through carbon sequestration, avoided emissions, and reduced energy use while offering multiple co-benefits (robust evidence, high agreement). Urban green and blue infrastructure, including urban forests and street trees, permeable surfaces, and green roofs 3 offer potential to mitigate climate change directly through sequestering and storing carbon, and indirectly by inducing a cooling effect that reduces energy demand and reducing energy use for water treatment. Global urban trees store approximately 7.4 billion tonnes of carbon, and sequester approximately 217 million tonnes of carbon annually, although urban tree carbon storage and sequestration are highly dependent on biome. Among the multiple co-benefits of green and blue infrastructure are reducing the urban heat island (UHI) effect and heat stress, reducing stormwater runoff, improving air quality, and improving mental and physical health of urban dwellers. {8.2, 8.4.4}

The potential and sequencing of mitigation strategies to reduce GHG emissions will vary depending on a city’s land use, spatial form, development level, and state of urbanisation (i.e., whether it is an established city with existing infrastructure, a rapidly growing city with new infrastructure, or an emerging city with infrastructure buildup (high confidence). New and emerging cities will have significant infrastructure development needs to achieve high quality of life, which can be met through energy-efficient infrastructures and services, and people-centred urban design ( high confidence). The long lifespan of urban infrastructures locks in behaviour and committed emissions. Urban infrastructures and urban form can enable socio-cultural and lifestyle changes that can significantly reduce carbon footprints. Rapidly growing cities can avoid higher future emissions through urban planning to co-locate jobs and housing to achieve compact urban form, and by leapfrogging to low-carbon technologies. Established cities will achieve the largest GHG emissions savings by replacing, repurposing, or retrofitting the building stock, targeted infilling and densifying, as well as through modal shift and the electrification of the urban energy system. New and emerging cities have unparalleled potential to become low or net-zero GHG emissions while achieving high quality of life by creating compact, co-located, and walkable urban areas with mixed land use and transit-oriented design, that also preserve existing green and blue assets. {8.2, 8.4, 8.6}

With over 880 million people living in informal settlements, there are opportunities to harness and enable informal practices and institutions in cities related to housing, waste, energy, water, and sanitation to reduce resource use and mitigate climate change (low evidence, medium agreement) . The upgrading of informal settlements and inadequate housing to improve resilience and well-being offers a chance to create a low-carbon transition. However, there is limited quantifiable data on these practices and their cumulative impacts on GHG emissions. {8.1.4, 8.2.2, Cross-Working Group Box 2, 8.3.2, 8.4, 8.6, 8.7}

Achieving transformational changes in cities for climate change mitigation and adaptation will require engaging multiple scales of governance, including governments and non-state actors, and in connection with substantive financing beyond sectoral approaches (very high confidence) . Large and complex infrastructure projects for urban mitigation are often beyond the capacity of local municipality budgets, jurisdictions, and institutions. Partnerships between cities and international institutions, national and regional governments, transnational networks, and local stakeholders play a pivotal role in mobilising global climate finance resources for a range of infrastructure projects with low-carbon emissions and related spatial planning programmes across key sectors. {8.4, 8.5}

Co-benefits are ‘the positive effects that a policy or measure aimed at one objective might have on other objectives, thereby increasing the total benefits to the society or environment’ (IPCC 2018b). AR5 WGIII Chapter 12 reported a range of co-benefits associated with urban climate change mitigation strategies, including public savings, air quality and associated health benefits, and productivity increases in urban centres (Seto et al. 2014). Since AR5, evidence continues to mount on the co-benefits of urban mitigation. Highlighting co-benefits could make a strong case for driving impactful mitigation action (Bain et al. 2016), especially in developing countries, where development benefits can be the argument for faster implementation (Sethi and Puppim de Oliveira 2018). Through co-benefits, urban areas can couple mitigation, adaptation, and sustainable development while closing infrastructure gaps (Thacker et al. 2019; Kamiya et al. 2020).

The urgency of coupling mitigation and adaptation is emphasised through a special Cross-Working Group Box on ‘Cities and Climate Change’ (Section 8.2.3 and Cross-Working Group Box 2 in this chapter). This section further addresses synergies and trade-offs for sustainable development with a focus on linkages with the SDGs and perspectives for economic development, competitiveness, and equity.

This section assesses trends in urban land use, the built environment, and urban GHG emissions, as well as forecasts for urban land use and emissions under certain scenarios to 2050 or 2100. These trends and scenarios hold implications for optimising the approaches to urban climate change mitigation discussed in Sections 8.4 and 8.6.

Urban mitigation options can be categorised into three broad strategies: (i) reducing or changing urban energy and material use towards more sustainable production and consumption across all sectors, including through spatial planning and infrastructure; (ii) electrification and switching to net-zero-emissions resources; and (iii) enhancing carbon storage in the urban environment through urban green and blue infrastructure, which can also offer multiple co-benefits. A fourth, socio-behavioural aspects, can shift energy demand and emerge as the result of implementing the strategies. Urban mitigation options covered in this section are organised around these three strategies and can facilitate deep decarbonisation through systemic transformation (see Section 8.6 and Figure 8.21 for prioritising mitigation options based on urban form and urban growth typologies).

Urban areas are systems where multiple mitigation options – especially when integrated – have cascading effects across transport, energy, buildings, land use, and behaviour. These cascading effects take place both within and across urban systems (Figure 8.15). Mitigation actions also occur at multiple urban scales, from households and blocks to districts and city regions, and can be implemented as standalone sectoral strategies, such as increasing energy efficiency for appliances, and also as system-wide actions. In reducing emissions locally, urban areas can help lower emissions outside of their administrative boundaries through their use of materials and resources, and by increasing the efficiency of infrastructure and energy use beyond what is possible with individual sectoral strategies. Urban mitigation policies that implement multiple integrated interventions will provide more emissions savings than the sum of individual interventions (Sethi et al. 2020).

Integrated action also has a key role in providing benefits for human well-being. Urban mitigation options and strategies that are effective, efficient, and fair can also support broader sustainability goals (Güneralp et al. 2017; Kona et al. 2018; Pasimeni et al. 2019). Due to the complex and intensive interactions in urban systems and the interlinked nature of the SDGs, cities can be important intervention points to harness synergies and co-benefits for achieving emissions reductions along with other SDGs (Nilsson et al. 2016; Corbett and Mellouli 2017) (Section 8.2 and Figure 8.4).

Governance and other institutions act as core components to urban systems by facilitating and managing linkages between different sectors, geographic regions, and stakeholders. This position renders subnational governments and institutions key enablers of climate change mitigation (Seto et al. 2016, 2021; Hsu et al. 2018, 2020c; Vedeld et al. 2021) (Section 8.4.1). Indeed, since AR5 more research has emerged identifying these actors as vehicles through which to accelerate local-to-global efforts to decarbonise (IPCC 2018a; Hsu et al. 2020b; Salvia et al. 2021; Seto et al. 2021) (Chapter 13, Sections 4.2.3, 14.5.5, 15.6.5 and 16.4.7, and ‘subnational actors’ in Glossary). The current extent (Section 8.3.3) and projected rise (Section 8.3.4.2) in the urban share of global emissions underscores the transformative global impact of supporting urban climate governance and institutions (Section 8.5.2). Further, the multisector approach to mitigation emphasised in this chapter (Sections 8.4 and 8.6, and Figure 8.21) highlights the need for facilitation across sectors (Figure 8.19).

The most effective and appropriate packages of mitigation strategies will vary depending on several dimensions of a city. This section brings together the urban mitigation options described in Section 8.4 and assesses the range of mitigation potentials for different types of cities. There is consensus in the literature that mitigation strategies are most effective when multiple interventions are coupled together. Urban-scale interventions that implement multiple strategies concurrently through policy packages are more effective and have greater emissions savings than when single interventions are implemented separately. This is because a city-wide strategy can have cascading effects across sectors, that have multiplicative effects on GHG emissions reduction within and outside a city’s administrative boundaries. Therefore, city-scale strategies can reduce more emissions than the net sum of individual interventions, particularly if multiple scales of governance are included (Sections 8.4 and 8.5). Furthermore, cities have the ability to implement policy packages across sectors using an urban systems approach, such as through planning, particularly those that affect key infrastructures (Figures 8.15, 8.17 and 8.22).

The way that cities are laid out and built will shape the entry points for realising systemic transformation across urban form and infrastructure, energy systems, and supply chains. Section 8.3.1 discusses the ongoing trend of rapid urbanisation – and how it varies through different forms of urban development or ‘typologies’ (Figure 8.6). Below, Figure 8.20 distils the typologies of urban growth across three categories: emerging, rapidly growing, and established. Urban growth is relatively stabilised in established urban areas with mature urban form while newly taking shape in emerging urban areas. In contrast, rapidly growing urban areas experience pronounced changes in outward and/or upward growth. These typologies are not mutually exclusive, and can co-exist within an urban system; cities typically encompass a spectrum of development, with multiple types of urban form and various typologies (Mahtta et al. 2019).

Taken together, urban form (Figure 8.16) and growth typology (Figure 8.20) can act as a roadmap for cities or sub-city communities looking to identify their urban context and, by extension, the mitigation opportunities with the greatest potential to reduce GHG emissions. Specifically, this considers whether a city is established with existing and managed infrastructure; rapidly growing with new and actively developing infrastructure; or emerging with large amounts of infrastructure build-up. The long lifespan of urban infrastructure locks in behaviour and committed emissions. Therefore, the sequencing of mitigation strategies is important for determining emissions savings in the short and long term. Hence, different types of cities will have different mitigation pathways, depending upon a city’s urban form and state of that city’s urban development and infrastructure; the policy packages and implementation plan that provide the highest mitigation potential for rapidly growing cities with new infrastructures will differ from those for established cities with existing infrastructure.

Mitigation options that involve spatial planning, urban form, and infrastructure – particularly co-located and mixed land use, as well as TOD – provide the greatest opportunities when urban areas are rapidly growing or emerging (Section 8.4.2). Established urban areas that are already compact and walkable have captured mitigation benefits from these illustrative strategies to various extents. Conversely, established urban areas that are dispersed and auto-centric have foregone these opportunities, with the exception of urban infill and densification that can be used to transform or continue to transform the existing urban form. Figure 8.21 underscores that urban mitigation options and illustrative strategies differ by urban growth typologies and urban form. Cities can identify their entry points for sequencing mitigation strategies.

The emissions reduction potential of urban mitigation options further varies based on governance contexts, institutional capacity, and economic structure, as well as human and physical geography. According to the development level, for instance, urban form can remain mostly planned or unplanned, taking place spontaneously, with persistent urban infrastructure gaps remaining (Lwasa et al. 2018; Kareem et al. 2020). Measures for closing the urban infrastructure gap while addressing ‘leapfrogging’ opportunities (see Glossary) for mitigation and providing co-benefits represent possibilities for shifting development paths for sustainability (Cross-Chapter Box 5 in Chapter 4).

While there is growing literature on urban NBS, which encompasses urban green and blue infrastructure in cities, there is still a knowledge gap regarding how these climate mitigation actions can be integrated in urban planning and design, as well as their mitigation potential, especially for cities that have yet to be built. In moving forward with the research agenda on cities and climate change science, transformation of urban systems will be critical; however, understanding this transformation and how best to assess mitigation action remain key knowledge gaps (Butcher-Gollach 2018; Pathak and Mahadevia 2018; Rigolon et al. 2018; Anguelovski et al. 2019; Buyana et al. 2019; Trundle 2020; Azunre et al. 2021).

There is a key knowledge gap in respect to the potential of the informal sector in developing country cities. Informality extends beyond illegality of economic activities to include housing, locally developed off-grid infrastructure, and alternative waste management strategies. Limited literature and understanding of the mitigation potential of enhanced informal sector is highlighted in the key research agenda on cities from the Cities and Climate Change Science Conference (Prieur-Richard et al. 2018).

City-level models and data for understanding of urban systems is another knowledge gap. With increased availability of open data systems, big data and computing capacities, there is an opportunity for analysis of urban systems (Frantzeskaki et al. 2019).

While there is much literature on urban climate governance, there is still limited understanding of the governance models and regimes that support multi-level decision-making for mitigation and climate action in general. Transformative climate action will require changing relationships between actors to utilise the knowledge from data and models and deepen understanding of the urban system to support decision-making.

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